Showing posts with label TASMANIANA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label TASMANIANA. Show all posts

Sunday, December 13, 2009

Found on eBAY: Maireener Shells – Australia WA

Interestingly here, the seller also says that "These shells sell for between $2000 and $3000 for a 180 centimetre strand in Australian art galleries." This in combination with other text (see image above) seems to suggest that it is Aboriginal authenticity (evidenced or other) that will be lending value to this item. It is worth noting that the shell necklaces that are bringing the prices suggested here are generally made by contemporary Tasmanian Aboriginal women who are carrying forward a family and cultural tradition. The provenance, and thus the necklace's authenticity, is absolutely clear here. This plus the quality of the necklaces combine and is reflected in the values attributed to them.
The problem that needs to be acknowledged with these items when sold as 'collectibles' and described as either "antique" or "vintage" is that new and unfolding information suggests that circumstantial evidence is by-and-large insufficient to assert Aboriginal authenticity.

If there is clear provenance, and there is within Tasmanian Aboriginal families, circumstance and oral histories can be relied upon to assert authenticity – see earlier posts. The shell necklaces made by Tasmanian Aboriginal people are now regarded as "Cultural Heritage Icon" status in Tasmania but this depends upon Aboriginal authenticity.

The seller here relies upon museums holding such necklaces in their collections thus by implication suggesting that this can be relied upon in underwriting authenticity. For many of these 'museum necklaces' there is indeed clear authenticity – generally contemporary examples with named makers. Nonetheless, there are some necklaces in various museums – Australia & elsewhere possibly – for which their authenticity is ambiguous.

None of this takes anything away from the quality of the shells or the visual aesthetic appeal of these necklaces. If their 'value' depends on this alone there is no problem. Something is always worth what is paid for on this criteria! However, if value depends upon 'Aboriginal authenticity' there are unresolved issues to be addressed. This is a work in progress.

SOLD
Bidding Ended: 23 Dec, 2009 @ 01:59:01 AEDST
2 Bids & Winning Bid: AU $91.50

Sunday, December 6, 2009

THE DILEMMA: Cultural Heritage Icon or Tasmaniana

CLICK ON THE IMAGE FOR MORE INFORMATION ABOUT THIS NECKLACE

THE DILEMMA: If this necklace's value depends upon its Aboriginal authenticity its authenticity needs to be established. If that is not possible – as it seems it may not be for a variety reason – there may be a problem if the circumstantial evidence is ambiguous – here it seems to be. The collector here seems to have defaulted to 'the wisdom of the time (1984)' and arguably with relatively good reason to do so. Indeed, he says he "bought these in the Eighties from Lawsons Auctions Sydney or from an old collection." So it seems that this necklace was by-and-large 'collected' for inherent qualities rather than its provenance.

In line with the conventions of the time it seems it was assumed that this necklace was as it appeared to be. In the absence of contradictory information that seems a reasonable assumption. Albeit that it would be quite possibly an unsafe assumption if 'value' depends upon the necklace's Aboriginality or its exotic otherness or even its 'Tasmanianness' even if in the latter case there is still no evidence to suggest otherwise.

However, if new information comes to light that might question the balance of probability in regard to the circumstantial evidence, then arguably there has been a paradigm shift and the inquiry is in new territory. The 'John Ward Hobart Necklace Robbery [Trial 1908]' seems to change the circumstantial evidence. Given the number of dealers that may now be identified as a result of the digitisation of colonial newspapers (19th & 20th C) it now seems that:
  1. Shell necklaces of the kind illustrated here were being made in relatively small numbers by Tasmanian Aboriginal women for cultural purposes and sometimes to be sold to generate supplementary income – it seems mostly on the Furneaux Islands – and continue to be made by them in various place around Tasmania;
  2. Shell necklaces of the kind illustrated here were being produced commercially, and in large numbers, by non-Aboriginal makers;
  3. These shell necklaces – 'Hobart Necklaces' – were being sold throughout Tasmania and being exported in large numbers to mainland Australia as well as abroad – notably Hawaii;
  4. The trade in commercially mass produced 'Hobart Necklaces' seems to have been reasonably lucrative and going on possibly as early as 1860, 1875 certainly, 1875 to WW1 and possibly intermittently between WW1 & WW2 and again post WW2 and possibly into the 1960s.
This information in no way discounts the production of shell necklaces – 'maireeners' – that has been a continuous and evolving cultural practice carried on up until the present by Tasmanian Aboriginal people.

The are two distinct activities going on – one Aboriginal and the other non-Aboriginal – and the relationship between the two is yet to be fully explored.

Nonetheless, the ways these necklaces are marketed in the Aboriginal art and antique markets is an issue. It is clear that the Aboriginal status adds value to these necklaces. This has been recently reinforced in Tasmania by the National Trust nominating "the shell necklaces made by Tasmanian Aboriginal women" as Cultural Heritage Icons. Indeed this can be taken as wider community acknowledgement that a necklace's Aboriginal status does in fact add value to it – its Aboriginal cultural cargo is of interest and in turn this lend value to it.

Historically, the context in which Aboriginal status does add value needs to explored in more depth. There is no longer all that much conjecture about the authenticity of the contemporary necklaces– 'maireeners' –made by Tasmanian Aboriginal women. Rather, any diffidence and doubt seems to be bound up in the complex, and somewhat uncomfortable, histories played out in Tasmania in respect to Tasmania's Aboriginal people – and the ongoing social and cultural tensions that come with all that.

Museums in Tasmania have had a particularly uncomfortable relationship with the Tasmanian Aboriginal community. While more productive discourses have begun in the past decade or so the tensions are still evident.

Museums are contentious places. In Tasmania when it comes to negotiating Tasmanianness and authenticity in a museum contentiousness is never far away.

Cultural material exhibited in museums claim authority from the place they are located –Tasmania– and the sanctioned status of the 'official' institution. Authenticity is bestowed (deemed?) upon objects presented in museums that in turn relies upon the authenticating powers of the museum. These authenticated objects are a reflection of some curatorial imperative, which in turn depends upon current wisdom. Even though it might be challenged, and sometimes vehemently, the exhibit wears the cloak of authenticity.

The treatment of Aboriginal people in Tasmania and their culture within Tasmania's museums represent the Aboriginal people variously. Just how they are presented is somewhat dependent upon prevailing political imperatives – and at the more comfortable end of historic conjuncture.

Typically, Tasmanian museum exhibits told their intended audience more about the tensions between the essentially Eurocentric imperatives in stories with Aboriginal issues than anything else. Rather than Aboriginal visions of place – Tasmania – or the Aboriginal people, or their cultural realities, typically 'colonial' perspectives have been privileged – to some extent it remains so.

Given all this it aught not be assumed that the ambiguity now attaching itself to some shell necklaces is something that can go unacknowledged. Neither is it something that is unlikely to be tested. Thus, if Aboriginality is important, and it usually is, the provenance of the piece is very important. If what is important is the necklace's Tasmanianness, then provenance is less important as both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal necklaces are quintessential exemplars of Tasmaniana with its colonial subtexts.

It is an open question as to the authenticity of this necklace as Tasmanian Cultural Heritage Icon and possibly even its 'Tasmaniana' status given that the shells can be collected in Victorian and South Australian waters – and possibly further afield as well.

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Found on eBAY: Maireener Shell Necklace – Melbourne/AUS

Clearly the seller here had little information available to provide clear provenance – this is typical and has long been so. The price achieved is modest by comparison with similar necklaces made by contemporary Tasmanian Aboriginal women. About two weeks before this sale closed such necklaces with clear Aboriginal provenance were given "Cultural Heritage Icon" status by the National Trust in Tasmania.

The granting of this status seems to do two things:
  • Firstly, belatedly acknowledge the Aboriginal cultural continuum embedded in the shell necklaces (maireeners) made by Tasmanian Aboriginal women;
  • Secondly, place a new emphasis upon clear Aboriginal provenance when claiming Aboriginal authenticity.
With new information unfolding to do with the commercial production of such necklaces in Tasmania from the late 19th Century up until circa 1960 a new imperative to be clear about authenticity.

eBAY Find – Mairneener Neclace(?) Melb/Australia

PLEASE CLICK ON THE IMAGE TO ENLARGE
Clearly the Aboriginal authenticity of this necklace is ambiguous for all the reasons discussed elsewhere on this site. It is particularly interesting that attention is drawn to the clasp. Anecdotally, this 'closure' has been referred to in regard to Bertie May's production and specifically for his short necklaces. This necklace may well be such a necklace.

Interestingly "MAIREENER SHELL" is used to lend Aboriginal authenticity to this necklace. Given this, it seems that it is seen as being important in winning the asking price – albeit modest. This is especially so now that contemporary shell necklaces, and presumably vintage/antique necklaces also, with clear Aboriginal provenance have 'Cultural Heritage Icon' status. That has been the case in Tasmania since early November 2009.

Since necklaces with clear Aboriginal provenance are achieving sale prices far in excess of that sought for this necklace the implication is there – intended or otherwise.

There is a clear implication here that while this ambiguity might have been accommodated in the past, 'The Ward Case of 1908' changes that somewhat given the number of commercially produced necklaces involved. Indeed it can argued that dealers have an obligation to acknowledge that an alternative to the authenticity claimed is a possibility IF value is dependent upon Aboriginal authenticity.

Furthermore, the
ambiguity needs to be acknowledged in many situations where Aboriginal authenticity is being asserted in the light of The Ward Case, its implications and other unfolding information.

Found on eBAY: Maireener Shell Necklace – Australia Qld


From what can be gleaned from the seller's description and the images this necklaces must be regarded as one with ambiguous authenticity. There is nothing sinister in this rather the seller is clearly relying upon information he regarded as reliable – possibly at the time of purchase 1984.

At that time, there is anecdotal evidence that such necklaces were assumed to have been made Tasmanian Aboriginal people – albeit in Tasmania the myth that Truganini was the last of the Tasmanian Aborigines prevailed. In the absence of critical inquiry in the 1980s – Tasmania/Australia – relevant to this cultural material, that may well have seemed a reasonable assumption to make. In the light of more recent information the reliability of information available in the 1980s needs to be questioned and further provenance sought. Sadly, that will not always be available but when it is, typically there are compelling reasons to endorse it.
If this necklace is indeed circa 1950, and there seems little reason to doubt that, it may have been made on the Furneaux Islands by an Aboriginal maker OR in Hobart by an outworker employed by Bertie May or a like dealer in Tasmanian souvenirs. This necklace is consistent with being either.
THE DILEMMA: If this necklace's value depends upon its Aboriginal authenticity its authenticity needs to be established. If that is not possible – as it seems it may not be for a variety reason – there may be a problem if the circumstantial evidence is ambiguous – here it seems to be. The collector here seems to have defaulted to 'the wisdom of the time (1984)' and arguably with relatively good reason.

However, if new information comes to light that might question the balance of probability in regard to the circumstantial evidence, then arguably there has been a paradigm shift and the inquiry is in new territory. The 'John Ward Hobart Necklace Robbery [Trial 1908]' seems to change the circumstantial evidence. Given the number of dealers that may now be identified as a result of the digitisation of colonial newspapers (19th & 20th C) it now seems that:
  1. Shell necklaces of the kind illustrated here were being made in relatively small numbers by Tasmanian Aboriginal women for cultural purposes and sometimes to be sold to generate supplementary income – it seems mostly on the Furneaux Islands – and continue to be made by them in various place around Tasmania;
  2. Shell necklaces of the kind illustrated here were being produced commercially, and in large numbers, by non-Aboriginal makers;
  3. These shell necklaces – 'Hobart Necklaces' – were being sold throughout Tasmania and being exported in large numbers to mainland Australia as well as abroad – notably Hawaii;
  4. The trade in commercially mass produced 'Hobart Necklaces' seems to have been reasonably lucrative and going on possibly as early as 1860, 1875 certainly, 1875 to WW1 and possibly intermittently between WW1 & WW2 and again post WW2 and possibly into the 1960s.
This information in no way discounts the production of shell necklaces – 'maireeners' – that has been a continuous and evolving cultural practice carried on up until the present by Tasmanian Aboriginal people.

The are two distinct activities going on – one Aboriginal and the other non-Aboriginal – and the relationship between the two is yet to be fully explored. Nonetheless, the ways these necklaces are marketed in the Aboriginal art and antique markets is an issue. It is clear that the Aboriginal status adds value to these necklaces. This has been recently reinforced in Tasmania by the National Trust nominating "the shell necklaces made by Tasmanian Aboriginal women" as Cultural Heritage Icons. Indeed this can be taken as wider community acknowledgement that a necklace's Aboriginal status does in fact add value to it.
Auction Ended
Dec 14, 2009 – 09:51:38 AEDST
8 bids – Winning bid AU $124.00

Saturday, November 14, 2009

Shell Necklaces – Theft & Cultural Appropriation


This story in the Hobart Mercury in 1908 is unlikely in one sense yet it brings a rather unexpected dimension to the Hobart Necklace story in another. The first thing about the case that seems a little surprising is the number shell necklaces involved – "more than 100 dozen". By itself this is an indication of the potential size of the commercial shell necklace 'industry' that seems was operating out of Hobart in the late 19th Century, early 20th Century. At the time Tasmania's population was something less than 200,000 people and Hobart's population was less than 40,000. While it seems that M M Martin of Cascade Rd. Hobart & Honolulu were running a substantial enterprise exporting necklaces from Tasmania to "Australasia" and abroad – Honolulu at least. This Supreme Court Case seems to suggest that apart from the Martin enterprise there may well have been two additional operations capable of producing a similar number of necklaces – . Earnest Mawle's report of 1918 implies that there was an industry operating in the Hobart region and his report needed to have been informed by a member(s?) of 'the industry'.
The court case identifies the owner (exporter?) of shell necklaces as "Paget" and there is a reference to "Fisher of Reserche" which suggests that the Martin enterprise had competition. In any event the size of the robbery alone gives some indication of the size of the industry. After that Mawle's report gives the impression that shell necklace making was acknowledged as an industry of a kind albeit that its scale is somewhat hard to estimate.

The estimated value of the "100 dozen shell necklaces stolen" (£71/-/- seventy one pounds) provides some additional clues – approx. £0/1/2 each. This would seem to be wholesale vale considering that in 1905 the Technological Museum in Sydney paid £0/2/6 for a single long necklace – more than double. "The wage for unskilled labourers [1907] was set at seven shillings a day (up from six), with an extra allowance for overtime – LINK."
By any measure the industry could not be regarded as lucrative based on these numbers. At the same time given Tasmania's and Hobart's population at the time it does not appear to be insubstantial. It now seems that a great many shell necklaces were being produced in Tasmania as a part of this industry that relatively little is known about.

Friday, November 13, 2009

Provenance & Authenticity

Tasmanian shell necklaces' combined issues of 'authenticity and Aboriginality' is likely to remain a contentious issue given the paucity of credible provenance documentation that comes with them in general. This is not the case with contemporary Tasmanian Aboriginal maireener shell, and other shell, necklaces. Why? Because they come straight from the maker, or their agent, in general. There may well be others that come onto the market via them or their relatives.

In the end, for the most part what is likely to be available is circumstantial evidence or some credible evidence and documentation. The credibility of any of that will depend upon the circumstances under which it comes to light.

Sydney's Powerhouse Museum checked its records in regard to a necklace in its collection acquired it 1905. Initially it was thought that there was too little information on the accession documentation to be of much use in putting it into context. However, the converse was the case.
CLICK ON THE IMAGE TO ENLARGE
CLICK ON THE IMAGE TO ENLARGE
Given that "Aboriginal authenticity" can no longer be considered 'a given' when assessing these necklaces provenance becomes all important. In the case of this necklace there is nothing to absolutely authenticate it as being Tasmanian Aboriginal cultural material or even colonial non-Aboriginal mass production. However, circumstantial evidence points to the latter rather than the former.

The Powerhouse Museum's necklace might well be a key reference here – see image above. Interestingly in this image the 1905 accession is compared to and contrasted with two other necklaces #93/404/1 & #93/404/1 by Lola Greeno, Launceston, Tasmania, Australia, circa 1993 – click here to go to source. Circumstantially, it seems that due a lack of contrary evidence the 1905 accession was thought to have been, or likely to have been, of Aboriginal origin when it was rediscovered in the collection in 1993.

Given shell necklaces' somewhat iconic connection to the Tasmanian Aboriginal story and prominent ancestral Aboriginal makers such as Truganini and Fanny Cochrane Smith, all this is very understandable.

Until recently, and given the ambiguity of, and paucity of, accession documentation at the time, this necklace may well have been attributed to an unknown Tasmanian Aboriginal maker. However, given the accession date, it is quite likely that this necklace was produced by M M Martin, Hobart & Honolulu given its anecdotal connection to the 'Mawle Report of 1918.' Furthermore, the necklace came into the Powerhouse collection in 1905 in the context of it being "an example of a commercial use of an animal product", again this is consistent with the Mawle Report connection.

Wednesday, October 28, 2009

FOUND IN TASMANIA: Bertie May Necklaces With Provenance

This necklace comes with a clear provenance plus first hand information and observations. The owner received it as a gift from Bertie May in Hobart in the 1950s. As a young girl she was enlisted to help her grandmother string such necklaces. Her grandmother lived outside Hobart and the owner reports that:
  • Her grandmother strung rainbow kelp shell necklaces for Bertie May to supplement the family's income;
  • Bertie May regularly supplied her grandmother with relatively large quantities of shells in plastic bags;
  • Approximately every two weeks her grandmother would deliver her latest batch of strung necklaces to an address in Macquarie St. Hobart and on school holidays she would go with her to his house/warehouse – it seems that he only sold his products wholesale;
  • She recalls that her grandmother was paid one shilling and sixpence for short necklaces and two shillings and sixpence for long necklaces.
This necklace comes from another source in Tasmania and with a clear provenance plus first hand information and observations. The owner received it as a gift from an Uncle by marriage who was a farmer on the Tasman Peninsular in the 1940s-1950s and who collected shells for Bertie May to supplement his farm income.

As a young woman she moved to 'The Peninsular' to farm with her husband and Uncle. Her Uncle gave her this necklace along with others he acquired from Bertie May and made with shells he had harvested for him. The Uncle's shell harvesting technique is a matter of family history and the story goes that he:
  • Collected 'Rainbow Kelp' shells (maireener shells) Phasianotrochus irisodontesIMAGE BACK LINK – for his Hobart based Tasmanian souvenir manufacturing and wholesaling enterprise.
  • Had a flat bottomed boat from which he cut kelp from the kelp beds relatively close to the shore;
  • Lay the kelp out on the beach in the sun on a canvas(?) to dry thus collecting the shells that dropped from the weed as they died;
  • Gathered the shells together and stored where the blowflies were allowed to lay their eggs on the decaying fish;
  • Allowed the blowfly's maggots to eat out the shellfish thus 'cleaning' them ready for further treatment;
  • Was paid ten shillings a quart (0.95 Litres) of shells, circa 1947, by Bertie May – a 1918 report by Earnest Mawle in the "The Australian Zoologist" – Vol 1 Part 6 Nov. 1918 – on this industry indicated that "a collector can obtain nine quarts of shells per day."

Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Found via eBAY _ Vintage Tasmanian Kelp Shell/Maireener Necklace – Australia


Click on an image to enlarge it

Click on an image to enlarge it

As for the final selling price for these necklaces we believe that they were moderate no matter what their cultural status may be – Aboriginal, colonial, post WW2 commercial. Whatever their cultural context these necklaces are clearly very ‘collectable’. The restringing cost for such a necklace would not be a great deal less than the price realised.

Indeed, contemporary Maireener Necklaces made by Tasmanian Aboriginal women, and where authenticity and provenance is absolutely clear, these works command prices in excess of most 'commercially produced' “antique” or “vintage” items on eBAY – this is at least the case for those we have watched.

There is further information coming to hand and for those interested in the subject please contact us and we will keep you informed.

BACK LINK TO AN EARLIER POST

For more information please contact the network Email: shellnecklaces@7250.net

Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Found on eBAY: Maireener Shell Necklace – UK

NOTE: Interestingly the words "Maireener, Tasmanian or Aboriginal" do NOT appear in the description of this piece. They have been used commonly on eBAY in recent times. for necklaces that look like this one Indeed, so commonly that there is a case for the proposition the words are used in a 'value adding exercise' by eBAY sellers.

These shells almost certainly originated in Tasmania and the necklace is typical of necklaces of late 19th & early/mid 20th C commercial production that have been attributed Aboriginal cultural production.

If the circa 1920s is near the mark, this necklace way well have been a part of M M Martins production that was being exported out of Tasmania around that time and earlier. If in fact it was exported to the UK in the 1950s, which it may have been, it may well have been a part of Bertie May's production – more information is coming to light in relation to his operation in the 1950s .

Equally, it may well be an example of 20th C Tasmanian Aboriginal cultural production from the Furneaux Islands. Without clear provenance it is becoming increasingly difficult distinguish between 19th & early/mid 20th C commercial necklace production and Tasmanian Aboriginal cultural production – 19th/20th C.

Typically eBAY sellers have very limited information in regard to provenance when requested to provide any information at all in regard to how they came by these necklaces. This is also the case for when such necklaces turn up at antique auctions in Tasmania.

Saturday, October 17, 2009

Information Request: October 09

The question of AUTHENTICITY arises yet again. Here it is relatively clear that the shells are:
  1. maireener, Rainbow Kelp, Phasianotrochus irisodontes, shells;
  2. relatively mature shells – albeit that due to the vagaries of photographic documentation it is not possible absolutely specific here;
  3. more likely to have been collected (commercially harvested?) in Tasmanian waters than elsewhere;
  4. natural shells found in Tasmanian waters – almost certainly this necklace has not been dyed;
  5. shells of the kind used by Aboriginal necklace makers in Tasmania – however this necklace's Tasmanian Aboriginal cultural must be considered as ambiguous given its provenance;
  6. the shells typically used in the kind of necklace known in Tasmania –late 19th C early 20th C – as 'Hobart Necklaces' – this necklace may indeed be such a necklace;
  7. typical of the kind shells found in necklaces thought to have been made by Bertie May or even M M Martin – both non-Aboriginal makers Martins, 1875 to 1930s?, Bertie May, late 1940s - 1960s? and Bertie May was known to dye his necklaces.
As above, the shells are almost certainly 'rainbow kelp shells' or maireenershells – not mariner. This kind of necklace is beginning to appear on eBAY and elsewhere described as "Tasmanian Aboriginal Maireener Shell Necklaces."

It seems that the word maireenerhas won currency on the Internet most likely via Google Searches etc. In palawa kani (Tasmanian Aboriginal language) the word maireenerhas survived in palawa lore and most frequently until recently used to describe shells. maireeneralso has currency among Tasmanian Aboriginal makers as the word for the string of shells and possibly 'necklaces' of other materials as well. An 1993 example of the word in use for a 'maireener/necklace' that does not include maireener shells or Rainbow Kelp shells, – Phasianotrochus irisodontes shells – is at the Powerhouse Museum in Sydney.

The word "Aboriginal" is quite important to their value. Contemporary Tasmanian Aboriginal makers work command quite high prices and arguably because of the Aboriginal and Tasmanian narratives these necklaces carry.

However, when it comes to older (Antique & Vintage?) necklaces the likelihood of many of these necklaces being of "Aboriginal cultural production" is diminishing as our research progresses – see point 7

For notes on Aboriginal shell necklace making in TasmaniaCLICK HERE

Friday, October 16, 2009

eBAY FIND: October 2009

CLICK ON THE TEXT ABOVE TO ENLARGECLICK ON AN IMAGE TO ENLARGE

These necklaces were drawn to our attention by another eBAY shopper questioning their authenticity and quality based on other information on this BLOG. We confirmed, restated and summarised the information elsewhere on the BLOG.

The quality of both items is self evident from the photography provided and we have no reason to believe that they have been doctored. Indeed we think this quite unlikely.

As for the final selling price we believe that this is quite moderate no matter what their cultural status may be – Aboriginal, colonial, post WW2 commercial. Whatever their cultural context they are clearly ‘collectable’.

Indeed, contemporary Maireener Necklaces made by Tasmanian Aboriginal women, and where authenticity and provenance is absolutely clear, these works command prices in excess of most “antique” or “vintage” items on eBAY – this is at least the case for those we have watched.

There is further information coming to hand and for those interested in the subject please contact us and we will keep you informed.

For more information please contact the network Email: shellnecklaces@7250.net

Tuesday, September 15, 2009

Maireener Found On The Internet – Australia 3052, Vic.


ONLINE AUCTION – SELLERS DESCRIPTION:
  • Beautiful old set of Tasmanian aboriginal shell necklace.
  • Double threaded on cotton.
  • 4 Strands in all.
  • One strand is loose,
  • Necklace is 42cms long.
  • Old clasp style.
  • Shells have a vibrant colour and have a purple tinge.
Auction
Start Time: 13 May. 2009 12:25:17
End Time 20 May. 2009 12:25:17
Status Closed
Reserve Price Not Met
On the balance of probability this piece is less likely to of Aboriginal production and more likely to be of either 'colonial' production – M M Martin – or by Bertie May post WW2. The clasp tends to suggest non-Aboriginal production – BUT it may well have been restrung at some time. If there is no clear provenance to establish 'Aboriginal Authenticity', and there may be, authenticity must be regarded as being ambiguous in light of unfolding evidence concerning these necklaces.

INTERNET FIND – Tasmanian Maireener Shell Necklaces

LEFT NECKLACE: The seller described this necklace as being an "Antique Aboriginal Tasmanian Maireener Shell Necklace ... Lustrous. ... Irridescent Neon Opal Grey Pink Shells. circa early 1900s. Measures 48 in. Length. Tiny Shells measure 1/4 in. each. Overall preserved nicely few shells have holes"

RIGHT NECKLACE: The seller described this necklace as being an "Antique Aboriginal Tasmanian Maireener Shell Necklace ... very old lustrous irridescent green, blue shell, from around 1900 ... Measures 70 inch length ... Tiny shells measure 1/4 in. each ... Condition very good except for a few shells have some holes ... a very beautiful piece"

AN OBSERVATION: It is interesting how it seems that these necklaces seem to be coming to light via the USA – Hawaii ? – and sometime in the context of them being described as a ‘lei’ and the ‘acquisition’ of a lei as “ the getting of my shells”. There seems to be some connecting points here between ‘Hawaiian traditions’ leis and maireener shells – and possiblly between the Martin family's branch enterprise in Honolulu as well(?).

Monday, September 14, 2009

Found Via eBAY: Maireener Shell Necklace – USA

Yet again AUTHENTICITY arises and yes the shells are:
  • maireener, Rainbow Kelp, Phasianotrochus irisodontes, shells;
  • the shells are relatively mature shells;
  • most probably from Tasmanian waters;
  • natural shells found in Tasmanian waters BUT this necklace has almost certainly been dyed;
  • used by Aboriginal necklace makers in Tasmania BUT this necklace may well not be an authentic Tasmanian Aboriginal cultural product as it was not common, if at all, for Aboriginal makers to dye their shells ;
  • typical of the kind of necklace known as 'Hobart Neckclaces' this necklace may indeed be such a necklace ;
  • typical of the kind shells found in necklaces thought to have been made by Bertie May or even M M Martin – both non-Aboriginal makers Martins, 1875 to 1930s?, Bertie May, late 1940s - 1960s? and Bertie May was known to dye his necklaces.
For notes on Aboriginal shell necklace making in Tasmania – CLICK HERE

CLICK HERE TO CHECK OUT WORTHpoint & WORTHopedia

Found On The Internet – Tasmanian Authenticity

Yet again AUTHENTICITY arises and yes the shells are:
  • maireener, Rainbow Kelp, Phasianotrochus irisodontes, shells;
  • the shells are relatively mature shells;
  • most probably from Tasmanian waters;
  • natural shells found in Tasmanian waters BUT this necklace has most likely been dyed albeit not definitely assessable unless a physical inspection was possible;
  • used by Aboriginal necklace makers in Tasmania BUT this necklace may well not be authentically Aboriginal as this was not commonly done by these makers if at all ;
  • typical of the kind of necklace known as 'Hobart Neckclaces';
  • typical of the kind shells found in necklaces thought to have been made by Bertie May or even M M Martin – both non-Aboriginal makers Martins, 1875 to 1930s?, Bertie May, late 1940s - 1960s? and Bertie May was known to dye his necklaces.
For notes on Aboriginal shell necklace making in Tasmania – CLICK HERE

CLICK HERE TO CHECK OUT WORTHpoint & WORTHopedia

Found On The Internet – Tasmanian Authenticity

Again the question of AUTHENTICITY arises in regard to these necklaces. Clearly the shells are:
  • maireener, Rainbow Kelp, Phasianotrochus irisodontes, shells – one may not be but it is obscured by other shells;
  • the shells are relatively mature shells;
  • on the balance of probably they were collected in Tasmanian waters;
  • natural shells found in Tasmanian waters BUT clearly this necklace has been dyed;
  • used by Aboriginal necklace makers in Tasmania BUT this necklace may well not be authentically Aboriginal, see the clasp ;
  • typical of the kind of necklace that MAY have also been known a 'Hobart Necklace';
  • typical of the kind shells found in necklaces thought to have been made by Bertie May or even M M Martin – both non-Aboriginal makers Martins, 1875 to 1930s?, Bertie May, late 1940s - 1960s? and him most likely.
For notes on Aboriginal shell necklace making in Tasmania – CLICK HERE

CLICK HERE TO CHECK OUT WORTHpoint & WORTHopedia

Found On The Internet – Tasmanian Authenticity

The ever present question of AUTHENTICITY arises when necklaces like this one pop up. Yes the shells are:
  • maireener, Rainbow Kelp, Phasianotrochus irisodontes, shells;
  • the shells are relatively mature shells;
  • most probably from Tasmanian waters;
  • natural shells found in Tasmanian waters;
  • used by Aboriginal necklace makers in Tasmania BUT this necklace may well not be an authentic Aboriginal necklace, see the clasp ;
  • typical of the kind of necklace known as 'Hobart Neckclaces';
  • typical of the kind shells found in necklaces thought to have been made by Bertie May or even M M Martin – both non-Aboriginal makers Martins, 1875 to 1930s?, Bertie May, late 1940s - 1960s?
For notes on Aboriginal shell necklace making in Tasmania – CLICK HERE

CLICK HERE TO CHECK OUT WORTHpoint & WORTHopedia

Thursday, September 10, 2009

Tasmanian Necklace Shells – Aboriginal Collectors


The following shells are those used by Tasmanian Aboriginal necklace makers who are licenced by the Tasmanian Government to collect the live shellfish for necklace making.

SCHEDULE 4 – PRESCRIBED FISH FOR DEFINITION OF ABORIGINAL ACTIVITY

Regulation 22 Click here to go to the Act


Shellfish

Common or used name ... Scientific name

1. Banded or Silver Kelp shell ... Bankivia fasciata

2. Banded Periwinkle or Blue and Brown Gulls ... Nodilittorina unifasciata

3. Black Nerite or Black Crow ... Nerita atramentosa

4. Buckies, Pheasant shellor Painted Lady ... Phasianella australis

5. Cats’ teeth or Estuarine Mud Whelk shell ... Batillariella estuarina

6. Cats’ teeth or Variegated and Lined ... Rissoina Rissoina lintea

7. Cats’ teeth or Variegated ... Rissoina Rissoina variegata

8. Conniwink or Dark and YellowButtons ... Bembicium melanostomum

9. Gold-mouth Conniwink ... Bembicium auratum

10. Jewelled Top shell ... Calliostoma armillata

11. King Maireener or Choice Sea-weed shell ... Phasianotrochus eximius

12. Maireener (Pink-tipped Kelp shell) ... Phasianotrochus apicinus

13. Maireener (Rainbow Kelp shell) ... Phasianotrochus irisodontes

14. Mud Whelk shell ... Zeacumantus diemenensis

15. Oat or Dove shells ... Mitrella spp.

16. Otherside Penguins or Pygmy Margin shell ... Mesoginella pygmaeoides

17. Penguin ... Austroginella muscaria

18. Rice or Rye shell ... Truncatella scalarina

19. Striped Dog Whelk ... Nassarius pauperatus

20. Striped-mouth Conniwink or Striped Buttons ... Bembicium nanum

21. Toothies or Toosies ... Marinula xanthostoma

22. Top shell ... Clanculus dunkeri

23. Wedge shell ... Paphies cuneata

24. White Dog Whelk ... Nassarius nigellus

TASMANIAN SHELLS SURVEY CLICK HERE

Wednesday, September 9, 2009

Tasmanian Shell Necklaces in Paris 1855


Hobart Mercury Tuesday 24 July 1855 NB: Text digitally recovered and only partly corrected
TASMANIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO PARIS 1855 Nor. I.

UNLIKE: the Sydney Catalogue, which comprises the list and description of tho articles, many of which were forwarded for local exhibition only, and not for transmission to Paris, -and hence the difficulty of instituting a fair comparison,-tho Tasmanian Catalogue only embraces the contributions of products which were actually forwarded to the Exposition.... The number of Tasmanian exhibitors was 90, and the various pioduct* transmitted, according to the gioup and class arrangements,were as follows :1st Group, Class I.-Mining and Metallurgical Products. " - Cla« TI,-ivory thing relatingtothe Management of Trees, to Hunting, Shooting, and Products obtained without cultivation-Mineral.Vegetable.'Amina!, Agriculture. VI.-Machinery and Apparatus for Work- shops." X.-Chemical Manipulalotions, Dyeing and Printing, Paper, Leather, Skins, India Rubber, &c.
1st Group, Class II.-'Preparation and preservation of Alimentary Substances.
Class X11.-Hygiene,Pliai niacy,Surgery, and Medicine.
Class XVI.-Works in Metal.
Class X VII-Goldsmitli'sWork,Jewellery, &c.
Class XX.-Woollen & WorstedManufactures.
Class XXII.-Flax and Hemp'Manufactures.
Class XXIII.-Mercery, Hosiery, Carpets, Embroidery, &c. &e.
7th Group, Class XXIV.-Pioiiitcts of Industry, - Industry applied to Furniture and Decollations,
1st Group, Class XXVI.-Drawing andModelling, Letterpress and Copper plate Printing ana Photography.
Class XXVIII.-Painting, Engraving, ami Lithography.

And a few Miscellaneous Articles, consisting^ of a bundle of broad paling, contributed by Mr. John Abbott, six billiard CUPS by Sir William Denison, a churn of Huon Pine and Wattlewood by Mr. T. I, .fennings, five brushes of Colonial Manufacture by the Executive Committee, and eight necklaces of shell, prepared and worn by the Aborigines of Tasmania, as ornaments round their neck U""A e"pT6poVlĂ­"a,tutting opportunities to wade through the Catalogue, and in a succession of notices to bring these contr¡butions under the attention of our readers, as a nieass of directing their enterprise to the successful prosecution of their duty in developing the resources of the colony,